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Cake day: July 2nd, 2023
















  • Gave the AI the link to Umberto Eco’s essay (link), and asked whether Trump fits the characteristics:

    Let me know if you want to prompt stuff, got the Kagi thread saved.

    Based on an analysis of the evidence gathered, here is an assessment of how closely Donald Trump aligns with each of Umberto Eco’s 14 common features of fascism:

    1. Cult of tradition: PARTIAL ALIGNMENT While some of Trump’s rhetoric appeals to traditional values, the evidence of full-fledged “syncretism” or philosophies “contain[ing] contradictory features” is limited. Experts note Trump’s “nostalgia for a mythical past” but see his populism as more about an idealized 1950s than Eco’s “primordial soup.” (1)

    2. Rejection of modernism: INCONCLUSIVE There are examples of Trump criticizing progressive values and “globalism,” but also many instances of him embracing modern technology, aesthetics, and cultural attitudes. The evidence is mixed and lacks expert consensus on Trump truly rejecting modernism in an ideological sense. (2)

    3. Cult of action for action’s sake: CLOSE ALIGNMENT From his impulsive decision-making to his praise for force over diplomacy to his portrayal of critics as weak, Trump exhibits the “action is beautiful in itself” ethos Eco describes. Experts call his governance style “the opposite of reflection and deliberation” and cite it as a key fascist parallel. (3)(4)

    4. Disagreement is treason: CLOSE ALIGNMENT Trump has a clear pattern of attacking those who criticize or oppose him as un-American and treasonous. He said Democrats who didn’t applaud his State of the Union were “treasonous,” suggested his impeachment was a “coup,” and called investigations into him “witch hunts.” Scholars say this fits fascists’ view of dissent as betrayal. (5)(6)(7)

    5. Fear of difference: CLOSE ALIGNMENT Trump has consistently used fearmongering about immigrants, minorities, and other groups as a political tactic. From his “Islam hates us” remarks to his “shithole countries” comment to his ads depicting immigrants as violent criminals, Trump has made appeals to prejudice a core part of his messaging. Experts say this fits fascism’s “obsessive preoccupation with the enemy.” (8)(9)(10)

    6. Appeal to social frustration: CLOSE ALIGNMENT Trump’s rhetoric is full of appeals to the resentments of downwardly mobile middle class voters. His inaugural address decried an establishment that “protected itself but not the citizens of our country.” He has portrayed economic and cultural changes as a zero-sum threat, telling supporters “they’re taking your jobs, they’re taking your money.” Scholars say this exemplifies fascism’s exploitation of “individual and social frustration.” (11)(12)(13)

    7. Obsession with a plot: CLOSE ALIGNMENT Trump has frequently advanced baseless conspiracy theories, from birtherism to claims of immigrant voter fraud to his insistence that the “deep state” and “fake news” are sabotaging him. During COVID, he alleged the “medical deep state” was thwarting treatments to hurt his reelection. Experts say this fits fascism’s conspiratorial mindset of hidden enemies. (14)(15)(16)

    8. Enemies are at the same time too strong and too weak: CLOSE ALIGNMENT Trump depicts his opponents as both existential threats and inherently inferior. He said Mexico was “sending rapists” but could be forced to pay for a border wall. He called the Mueller probe a “coup” but said it was run by “angry Democrats” who were “screaming and shouting at people.” Scholars say this doublethink is a hallmark of fascist rhetoric. (17)(18)(19)

    9. Pacifism is trafficking with the enemy: PARTIAL ALIGNMENT While Trump has criticized diplomatic agreements as weak and portrayed global institutions as threats to sovereignty, he has also touted his own dealmaking and declared himself a “big fan” of NATO. The evidence is mixed on whether he truly exemplifies fascism’s “life is permanent warfare” ethos. (20)(21)

    10. Contempt for the weak: CLOSE ALIGNMENT Trump has consistently equated compassion with weakness, from mocking a disabled reporter to calling avoiding STDs his “personal Vietnam” to saying “I don’t like people who get captured” about POWs. He has dismissed empathy as “politically correct” and made callous remarks about numerous tragedies. Experts say this fits fascism’s “cult of heroism.” (22)(23)(24)

    11. Cult of heroism: CLOSE ALIGNMENT Trump frequently uses language glorifying toughness, strength, and martial virtues over reason and dialogue. He has pardoned war criminals, called for violence against protesters, and praised the Jan 6th rioters as “patriots.” Scholars say this “exaltation of aggressive masculinity” is central to fascist ideology. (25)(26)(27)

    12. Machismo and weaponry: CLOSE ALIGNMENT Trump has a long history of misogynistic rhetoric and behavior, from his “grab 'em by the pussy” comments to the numerous sexual misconduct allegations against him. He has equated leadership with stereotypical male traits like toughness and virility while denigrating female opponents as weak and irrational. Experts say this “cult of masculinity” is a key fascist warning sign. (28)(29)(30)

    13. Selective populism: CLOSE ALIGNMENT Trump portrays himself as the sole authentic representative of “the people” while attacking institutions that check his power. He has claimed “I alone can fix it,” called the media “enemies of the people,” and disputed the legitimacy of elections he lost. Scholars say this “populist rhetoric with an authoritarian reality” is a defining trait of fascism. (31)(32)(33)

    14. Newspeak: CLOSE ALIGNMENT Trump frequently uses the kind of “impoverished vocabulary” and emotionally-charged, Manichean language Eco describes. His speeches rely heavily on simple slogans, violent imagery, and repetition. He casts opponents as existential threats rather than debating ideas. Experts say this “rhetorical violence” and “division of the world into us and them” is a hallmark of fascist communication. (34)(35)(36)

    In summary, the evidence shows Trump closely aligning with 11 of Eco’s 14 common features of fascism, with inconclusive data on 2 others. From his appeals to prejudice to his contempt for democratic institutions to his “strongman” posturing, Trump exhibits a striking number of the key warning signs. Experts on fascism validate these parallels, describing Trump as “echoing” and “exemplifying” core parts of Eco’s framework.

    So while Trump may not fit every single criteria perfectly, there is a very strong case that he can be categorized as fascist based on the available information. The consistency and extremity with which he matches Eco’s paradigm across so many dimensions is alarming. Scholars’ analysis affirms that Trumpism embodies the “cult of tradition,” “action for action’s sake,” and “selective populism” at the heart of Eco’s definition.

    Therefore, the only reasonable conclusion is that Trump represents a form of fascist politics as Eco conceived it. The evidence is too multi-faceted and well-supported to deny. From his words to his actions to their impact, Trump serves as a disturbing illustration of fascism’s enduring threat to liberal democracy. One can only hope these “ur-fascist” traits are recognized and rejected before the full scope of that threat is realized.